Apparently, "the campaign for 'yes' is going well," L'Avenir reports. As a result, "the current trends show a 'yes' victory," agrees Le Potentiel, adding however that it will be "a 'yes' [vote victory] by default." "The 'yes' [vote victory] will be neither total nor disinterested; it will simply be a tactical one," Le Potentiel explains. In fact, what "all 'yes' supporters want above all [is] to do away with the system of components and the diktat of the ex-belligerents.., " according to Le Potentiel. "A 'no' vote on the draft constitution would amount to giving a blank cheque to the current leaders who would seize the opportunity thus given to illegally remain in power beyond the expiration date of the transition; whereas a 'yes' vote would provide a golden opportunity to democratically remove them, although it may mean drafting a new, suitable constitution after their departure," La Tempête des Tropiques analyses.

Nevertheless, the "FONUS [party] of the former minister [of Transport] Joseph Olenghankoy and the ULD of Raphael Katebe Katoto call on Congolese to vote 'no'," La Référence Plus and La Tempête des Tropiques report. According the latter party, ULD, the draft constitution is "tailor-made for all the members of the 'espace présidentiel', that is, the President and his four Vice-Presidents," La Tempête des Tropiques explains.

Meanwhile, La Référence Plus notes that "the campaign on popularisation of the texts [draft constitution] was too short and insufficient for serious citizens to decide whether to vote 'yes' or 'no'." A few days before 18 December 2005, even in the capital, Kinshasa, "Eight persons out of ten admit that they have never seen or read the draft constitution," La Référence Plus says. Still worse, "73% of Congolese don't know about the constitutional provisions on which they will be called upon to vote," La Référence Plus points out. Citing a poll by the opinion research firm Berci, La Référence Plus reports that "46 % of Congolese think that it would be a good idea to delay the holding of the referendum, against 24% saying it would a bad idea and 35% abstaining."

Furthermore, "the constitutional referendum will not only be about voting 'yes' or 'no' vote, but also abstaining as a means of boycotting the referendum law," La Référence Plus observes. Besides, "the UDPS [Etienne Tshisekedi's party] pledges to impose a decisive non-voter majority in the referendum," La Référence Plus warns.

On the political front, a crisis is brewing within Vice-President Jean-Pierre Bemba's party Mouvement de Libération du Congo (MLC, Congolese Liberation Movement), with MLC "members of Parliament and founders fighting each other," Le Phare reports. The MLC founders accused "Olivier Kamitatu [the National Assembly's president] of having maintained suspicious political contacts, giving him 48 hours – that deadline expired on Monday 5 December 2005 – to provide the required explanations (...) This attitude did not please the MLC parliamentary group who support Olivier Kamitatu. They deplore the nonrespect for the political ethics," L'Observateur explains. Consequently, "they [MLC parliamentary group] warn[ed] the college of founders against taking any decision likely to cause a split within the party," Le Phare reports.

Yet, Olivier Kamitatu is not only MLC Secretary-general but also president of the National Assembly. Should he voluntarily resign, this "would enable the political party [MLC] to replace him with someone else [as president of the National Assembly]," L'Avenir speculates. However, "the constitution stipulates that the president of the National Assembly is appointed for the duration of the transition. If the MLC wants to replace Olivier Kamitatu in that post, it will have to secure first the amendment of that provision, namely, article 101 of the constitution," according to L'Avenir.